Friday, September 18, 2026

how many have you taken in?

how many have you taken in?

This started with a petition posted in a Kitsilano neighbourhood Facebook group asking people to stop filming vulnerable people on the street.

I commented.

I said I had actually filmed briefly myself about two years ago because I was trying to draw attention to what was happening.

But I don't feel the same way about it now.

Something has become twisted.

When vulnerable people are constantly filmed, photographed and turned into social-media content, there is a danger that we stop seeing the human being and start seeing the spectacle.

But my comment wasn't really about cameras.

I went on a little rant about the bigger problem:

There isn't enough housing. There isn't enough treatment. There aren't enough places for people to go. And we're still acting surprised that people are living on the streets.

The very first response?

“How many have you taken in?”

Seriously?

I can't prove it was a bot. But it certainly had the feel of one. 😬

And that's the problem with so many of these conversations.

Instead of discussing housing, treatment, addiction, trauma, poverty or what actually happens to people when they fall through every available gap, the conversation gets reduced to:

“Well, what are YOU doing about it?”

Then came another comment:

“No one is forcing them to do drugs.”

Maybe not.

But nobody grows up dreaming of becoming addicted to fentanyl, overdosing, surviving with brain damage, losing their ability to function, ending up on the street and being unable to find housing.

Nobody says:

“That's the life I want.”

So let's talk about choice.

Be grateful your parents didn't force you to take Ritalin as a child simply so you would sit still.

Be grateful you weren't molested as a child and left carrying that trauma for the rest of your life.

Be grateful you have parents — and that they're healthy and don't drink excessively or use hard drugs.

Be grateful you haven't lost the love of your life, your child or your parent to drugs, suicide, a car crash or a medical mistake.

Be grateful you haven't experienced something so devastating that escaping reality became easier than facing it.

We don't choose our childhood.

We don't choose everything that happens to us.

We don't choose who hurts us.

We don't choose every loss.

We don't choose every illness, accident or tragedy.

And sometimes one terrible thing leads to another until a person ends up somewhere they never imagined they would be.

That doesn't mean people have no responsibility for their choices.

It means choice is not the whole story.

And neither is filming.

Two years ago, I thought filming might help people see what was happening.

Now I'm much more uncomfortable with it.

Because there is a difference between documenting a social problem and turning someone's worst moments into entertainment.

Maybe the question isn't only:

“Why are they doing drugs?”

Maybe it's also:

“Why is there no housing?”

“Where are the treatment beds?”

“What happens when someone is ready for help but there is nowhere to go?”

“What happened to this person before we ever saw them on the street?”

And maybe, before we ask a stranger on Facebook,

“How many have you taken in?”

we should ask ourselves what kind of society requires ordinary people to personally house strangers before we're allowed to expect our public systems to function.

The strangest part?

This was posted in a Kitsilano neighbourhood group.

Almost nobody was engaging.

Me...

and probably two bots. 🤔😬😒

Maybe that's the real problem.

We're surrounded by people.

We're surrounded by cameras.

We're surrounded by opinions.

And somehow we're still not talking to each other.

clicks for free

 clicks for free

Everybody's filming now.

Someone sleeping.
Someone high.
Someone pushing a cart.

Click.
Click.
Clicks for free.

Somewhere along the way
we normalized suffering.

People look away.

I can't.

This morning
I crossed the street.

“Are you okay?”

Two people on the sidewalk.

One moaned yes.

The other was barely awake.

“What's your name?”

“Shane.”

“Hi, Shane.
I'm Tina.”

I asked if they were okay.

I contacted outreach.

Then I kept walking.

Because I couldn't fix it.

I'm unhoused too.

Two suitcases.
A storage locker full of art.

Winter is coming.

And we're still asking
why people sleep outside.

Maybe the question is simpler:

Why don't we house people?

The Family History Hidden Between the Lines

 The Family History Hidden Between the Lines

The more I research my family history, the more I realize how easy it is to misunderstand the past if we expect people to fit into the neat categories we use today.

My ancestors lived in a very different Pacific Northwest.

There were Indigenous nations, French-Canadian voyageurs, fur traders, missionaries, Métis communities and people who had travelled enormous distances through the fur trade.

Families formed across those communities.

People married.

Children were adopted.

Names changed.

People moved.

And then governments came along and began demanding that people fit into categories that had never described their lives very well.

My family is part of that story

One branch of my family connects Iroquois, T’Sou-ke and Kalapuya ancestry.

And for a while, I had the pieces in the wrong places.

I knew there was a connection to Sooke.

I just couldn't find it.

I kept looking down the wrong branch of my family tree.

The connection was through Joseph Brulé's mother.

Joseph Brulé

Joseph was born around 1831.

His father was an Iroquois man identified in the records as Jacques Iroquois.

His mother was Marguerite, a woman of the T’Sou-ke people of Vancouver Island.

After Jacques died, Marguerite married Jean-Baptiste Brulé, and Joseph took the Brulé surname.

That explains something that can otherwise look confusing in the records:

A man can have an Indigenous father and carry a French surname.

The surname does not tell the whole story.

Joseph married Mary Ann

Joseph later married Mary Ann Miranda Brulé, also known as Marianne.

Mary Ann had Indigenous ancestry too.

Her father, Louis Miranda, came to the Oregon Country in 1816 and spent many years at Fort Vancouver.

Mary Ann later testified that her father was Louis Marchelle and that her mother was a Kalapuya woman from the Marysville area.

As a child, Mary Ann attended the Catholic boarding school at St. Paul in French Prairie.

She was only 15 years old when she married Joseph.

So look at what came together in this marriage:

Joseph: Iroquois father + T’Sou-ke mother.

Mary Ann: Iroquois father + Kalapuya mother.

Their marriage brought together Indigenous family histories from different parts of the Pacific Northwest.

Then they went north

This is the part I had been trying to find.

Joseph and Mary Ann went north toward Vancouver Island.

And historical research gives us an important reason.

Joseph's mother, Marguerite, wanted to return home to the territory of the T’Sou-ke people.

There was also growing unease about remaining in American territory as the political boundary between the United States and British territory became established.

So the family moved north.

Eventually Joseph died in the Victoria/Sooke area.

And suddenly the Sooke connection I had been searching for made sense.

It wasn't Mary Ann's mother who was from Sooke.

It was Joseph's mother.

My family tree had been telling me the truth.

I was simply looking in the wrong branch.

But there was something much bigger happening

The families in this story were not unusual exceptions.

The fur trade created enormous networks of people across the Pacific Northwest.

Iroquois, Cree and Delaware men travelled west as independent traders and engagés.

Some married local Indigenous women.

Their children could become members of their mother's community through marriage, adoption and kinship.

The result was a network of blended Indigenous communities.

One historical account describes Iroquois descendants being accepted into local Native communities through marriage or adoption, even when their parents had come from somewhere else.

This is important because it challenges our modern assumption that Indigenous identity has always been recorded according to today's categories.

It wasn't.

Grand Ronde shows us how complicated this became

The Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde brought together people from 27 different tribal communities, including Kalapuya, Chinook, Molala, Umpqua, Yoncalla Kalapuya, Southern Molala, Rogue River and Chasta Costa communities.

People whose families had lived together and intermarried could find themselves being categorized by governments in completely different ways.

As American settlers increasingly restricted Indigenous people's ability to own land, some descendants of fur-trade families were forced to demonstrate or assert their Indigenous identity in order to remain within Indigenous communities and obtain land.

And even the records changed.

Grand Ronde records continued to identify some people as Iroquois into the early twentieth century.

Then, around 1910, tribal affiliation was no longer recorded in the same way. Census takers increasingly classified people simply as members of the Grand Ronde community rather than recording the tribe from which their families originated.

Imagine trying to research your family today.

One record says Iroquois.

Another says Kalapuya.

Another might say Grand Ronde.

Someone has a French surname.

Another person has an Indigenous name.

And somewhere along the way, someone may have stopped identifying an ancestor's specific tribal affiliation altogether.

The people didn't necessarily change.

The paperwork did.

And there was a reason people sometimes hid their ancestry

This history is also painful.

Indigenous people and people of mixed Indigenous ancestry faced discrimination.

Some people were denied land.

Some were excluded from citizenship.

Some concealed their Indigenous ancestry because they believed it would give their children better opportunities in the colonial society being imposed around them.

Others did the opposite.

They had to assert their Indigenous identity to remain connected to their communities and obtain recognition or land.

Imagine being forced to make decisions about which part of your own family history was safe to reveal.

That is something we need to remember when looking at old records.

A missing word does not necessarily mean a missing ancestry.

So what does this mean for me?

I am descended from people whose lives crossed these histories.

Iroquois.

T’Sou-ke.

Kalapuya.

French Canadian.

Fur trade.

Oregon Country.

Vancouver Island.

These aren't just labels on a family tree.

They are people.

They were mothers and fathers.

They were children.

They travelled.

They married.

They lost loved ones.

They adapted.

They survived political changes that were completely beyond their control.

And eventually their descendants became part of the people living here today.

Am I T’Sou-ke?

This is where I want to be careful.

I can say that I have T’Sou-ke ancestry because my ancestor Marguerite was identified as a woman of the Sooke people.

I would not claim membership or citizenship in the modern T’Sou-ke Nation simply because of ancestry. That is a matter for the Nation and its own laws and community relationships.

But I can honour the fact that one of my ancestors was T’Sou-ke.

And I can learn her story.

Perhaps that is one of the most important things genealogy can give us.

Not a label.

Not a box to put ourselves into.

But a connection.

The history is bigger than my family

My ancestors were living through the transformation of the Pacific Northwest.

The fur-trade world was changing.

Borders were being drawn.

Missions were opening, closing and changing.

American settlers were arriving.

Indigenous communities were being displaced.

People were being pushed onto reservations.

And governments were increasingly deciding how Indigenous people would be classified, where they could live and what rights they would have.

Yet families continued.

They adapted.

They crossed borders.

They carried their memories.

And they raised children.

That is what I see now when I look at my family tree.

Not a collection of confusing names.

A network of people.

And a history that crosses what we now call Canada and the United States.

The borders are relatively young.

The families are older.

And sometimes, the truth about where we come from is hidden not because it wasn't there—

but because history became complicated enough that we had to learn how to read between the lines.

Thursday, September 17, 2026

promises, actions, outcomes: what happened to ken sim’s 2022 campaign promises?

 

promises, actions, outcomes: what happened to ken sim’s 2022 campaign promises?

In 2022, Ken Sim and ABC Vancouver campaigned on a 93-point platform called “The ABC Plan for A Better City.”

It contained specific promises: more police, more mental-health nurses, more housing, faster permits, childcare spaces, trees, public washrooms and a Night Mayor, among many others.

ABC now says that by February 2025 it had “actioned 80%” of its 93-point platform. But actioned is not necessarily the same thing as completed, and completing an action is not necessarily the same thing as achieving the promised result.

That distinction matters.

If voters are going to hold politicians accountable, we need to be able to look back and ask three simple questions:

What was promised?

What was actually done?

What was the measurable outcome?

Here is a snapshot.


public safety

the promise

ABC promised to hire 100 new police officers and 100 mental-health nurses, describing it as part of a renewed approach to community policing and an expansion of programs such as Car 87. Public safety and mental health were major parts of the 2022 campaign.

what happened

The 100 police officers were hired.

The mental-health side did not reach the promised 100 nurses. Instead, Vancouver expanded existing programs and other mental-health response teams involving different kinds of workers.

The VPD budget also increased.

the outcome

The most recent numbers complicate any simple claim about success or failure.

Violent crime fell between 2023 and 2025, but in the first six months of 2026 it increased 6% compared with the same period in 2025.

Reported assaults increased 7.1%, from 2,011 to 2,153, while robberies increased 7.8%, from 232 to 250.

That does not prove that adding police caused — or failed to cause — the change. Crime has many contributing factors, and VPD cautions that its statistics can be revised as investigations and classifications change.

But it does mean the public-safety promise should be evaluated on public-safety outcomes, not simply on whether 100 officers were hired.


co-op housing

the promise

ABC promised to double the number of co-operative housing units in Vancouver during its four-year term.

At the time, Vancouver had more than 6,000 co-op homes, meaning doubling the supply would have required roughly another 6,000.

what happened

According to figures provided to Daily Hive by the City, since November 2022:

  • 402 co-op units were completed
  • 237 were under construction
  • 112 had been approved

The Co-operative Housing Federation of BC calculated a net increase of 334 co-op units.

the outcome

The promised doubling did not happen.

There is also important context: CHF BC said municipalities cannot finance this kind of housing growth alone and that provincial and federal assistance has been insufficient.

That context belongs in the record too.


faster housing approvals

the promise

ABC's 3x3x3x1 plan promised:

  • 3 days for renovations
  • 3 weeks for single-family homes
  • 3 months for multi-family and mid-rise projects where zoning was already in place
  • 1 year for high-rise and larger projects.

what happened

Approval times improved.

Simple renovations reached 92% within three days.

Single-family approvals fell from about 250 days to 160 days.

Multi-family and mid-rise approval times fell from about 18.1 months to 9.8 months.

the outcome

Significant improvement, but the original 3x3x3x1 targets were not fully achieved.

This is an important example of why “done” and “achieved exactly as promised” are not necessarily the same thing.


5,000 childcare spaces

the promise

ABC promised 5,000 new daycare spaces during the four-year term, including making city land available and working with the province and childcare providers.

what happened

The City reported that more than 2,000 new childcare spaces became operational after 2022.

Another 743 spaces had been approved by Council since November 2022.

the outcome

The operational figure was approximately 3,000 spaces short of the 5,000 promise.

And Vancouver still had an estimated childcare-space shortage of about 6,700 spaces.


100,000 trees

the promise

ABC promised to plant 100,000 additional trees in four years, with particular attention to neighbourhoods affected by historic race-based zoning and poor tree canopy.

what happened

For 2023–2025, the City reported:

7,725 trees planted

7,468 trees removed

the outcome

That produced a net increase of only 257 trees during those three years.

The City said 2022 data was unavailable because of software limitations and 2026 figures were still being compiled.

So the available numbers do not demonstrate anything close to the promised 100,000 additional trees.


the Night Mayor

the promise

ABC promised to create a Night Mayor to advocate for Vancouver's nighttime economy.

what happened

The position was not created.

ABC instead points to other downtown initiatives, including FIFA and the Granville Pedestrian Zone.

the outcome

The specific promise was not delivered.


an Official Community Plan

the promise

ABC promised to complete an Official Community Plan for Vancouver by the end of its first term.

what happened

In March 2026, Vancouver adopted its first citywide Official Development Plan, a legally binding framework for land use, growth and infrastructure.

the outcome

This is one of the more complicated promises to classify.

The city did complete a major citywide planning framework, but it was an Official Development Plan rather than the OCP named in the campaign promise.

So this one needs context rather than a simple checkmark.


property taxes

the promise

ABC campaigned heavily on fiscal restraint.

what happened

Property taxes increased substantially during the first part of the term.

They increased by approximately:

10.7% in 2023

7.5% in 2024

3.9% in 2025

Then Vancouver passed a 0% property-tax increase for 2026. ABC has also proposed maintaining a zero increase for 2027.

the outcome

This is another example where the timeline matters.

A person looking only at 2026 sees 0%.

A person looking at the whole term sees three consecutive increases followed by a freeze.

Both are factual parts of the record.


why this matters

This isn't about finding a politician who fulfilled every promise.

Government is complicated. Municipalities share responsibility with provincial and federal governments. Budgets change. Economic conditions change. Some promises depend on other governments, developers, non-profits or agencies.

But that is exactly why we need to keep the promises written down.

Otherwise, four years later, the campaign speeches disappear and we are left with a collection of claims about what was accomplished.

A politician can say:

“We hired the officers.”

But the original promise was not simply to employ 100 people. It was part of a broader public-safety strategy.

A politician can say:

“We planted thousands of trees.”

But the campaign promise was 100,000 additional trees.

A politician can say:

“We created childcare spaces.”

But the promise was 5,000.

A politician can say:

“Housing approvals are faster.”

And they may indeed be faster — without having reached the promised 3x3x3x1 targets.

That is why I think every election should leave behind a simple public record:

PROMISED DONE OUTCOME
What exactly did the candidate say they would do? What did government actually do? What changed in measurable terms?

Because an action is not automatically an outcome.

And a campaign promise that disappears after election day is worth very little to the people who voted on it.

The real purpose of tracking promises isn't to punish politicians for failing to achieve the impossible.

It's to give citizens enough information to ask a much more important question:

What happened to the promises we were given?

That is how voters can hold future politicians accountable.

grade 10 lesson: wait… can alberta just leave canada?

 grade 10 lesson: wait… can alberta just leave canada?

You know what I hated about social studies?

Dates. Names. Memorize this. Memorize that. Write the test. Forget it.

But what if history class started with a question that actually mattered?

Can Alberta just leave Canada?

Right now, in 2026, Alberta is having a very real conversation about separation.

So let's forget the dusty textbook for a minute and ask:

Who actually owns the decision?

First, Alberta is a province of Canada. A province cannot simply announce that it is now a separate country.

Canadian law says there is no unilateral constitutional right for a province to secede from Canada. If separation were ever pursued, it would require constitutional negotiations involving Canada and the provinces. Those negotiations would have to address things such as borders, assets and debts, minority rights — and the rights, interests and territorial claims of Indigenous peoples.

And here's the part that often gets lost in the conversation:

the treaties didn't disappear.

Alberta is home to First Nations whose relationships with the Crown are governed by treaties, including Treaties 6, 7 and 8.

Then there is Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, which recognizes and affirms existing Aboriginal and treaty rights.

In other words, treaty rights aren't simply historical documents sitting in a museum.

They have constitutional protection today.

So imagine a classroom discussion:

Student: “What if Alberta votes to leave?”

Teacher: “Okay. What happens to the treaties?”

Student: “They become Alberta's problem?”

Teacher: “That's the question. And who gets to decide what happens to treaty relationships?”

Now we're doing social studies.

Because suddenly we're not memorizing a date.

We're learning about law, government, Indigenous-Crown relationships, constitutional rights, geography, history and democracy — all at the same time.

and this is happening now

Alberta's October 19, 2026 referendum includes a question asking whether Alberta should remain a province of Canada or whether the Alberta government should begin the legal process required under the Canadian Constitution to hold a future binding referendum on separation.

That question does not itself separate Alberta from Canada.

Premier Danielle Smith has said she personally supports Alberta remaining in Canada, while also saying the referendum process should allow Albertans to consider the question.

And here's another important piece students should know:

The federal Clarity Act specifically says that any negotiations concerning provincial secession would have to address Indigenous peoples' rights, interests and territorial claims.

So before somebody says:

“Alberta can just leave.”

A Grade 10 student should be able to ask:

Leave what?

Under whose Constitution?

What happens to the treaties?

What happens to Indigenous rights?

What happens to the borders?

Who negotiates the assets and debts?

What happens to people who don't want to leave?

And what does Canadian law actually say?

That is the kind of social studies I wish I'd been taught.

Not:

“Here are 25 dates. Memorize them.”

But:

“Here's a complicated thing happening in your country. Let's figure out how we got here — and then teach you how to investigate it yourself.”

Because history isn't dead.

We're living in it.

scrooge, photography and ai

 scrooge, photography and ai

I keep thinking about Scrooge.

Before he became the Scrooge we know, he was a young apprentice working for Mr. Fezziwig. He learned a trade. He worked alongside Jacob Marley, who would eventually become his business partner.

He learned by doing.

Fast-forward a couple of centuries.

I remember studying photography when our industry was moving from film to digital. I nearly didn't get into the program because of the chemistry and physics requirements. I thought, Why do I need all this?

Eventually, I realized I didn't need most of it for the photography I actually ended up doing.

Technology changed the job.

Now we're watching AI change work again.

AI can do some of the tasks that once gave junior lawyers, writers, designers and other professionals their first years of experience.

And I keep coming back to something I learned through psychology:

You can't learn from mistakes you never get the chance to make.

You don't need to know how to rebuild a car to drive one.

But if the machine does everything for you, when do you learn what's happening under the hood?

Maybe that's the question we should be asking about AI.

Not simply:

“What jobs can AI replace?”

But:

“What do humans need to learn before we let AI do the work for them?”

Because technology will keep changing.

It always has.

The challenge is making sure people don't become obsolete just because the work changed.

Wednesday, September 16, 2026

The Story in My Blood: T’Sou-ke, Iroquois and Kalapuya

 The Story in My Blood: T’Sou-ke, Iroquois and Kalapuya

I have been researching my family history, and I recently realized that one branch of my family connects several Indigenous peoples and communities of the Pacific Northwest in a way I had never fully understood.

This isn't a story I want to simplify.

It is a story about T’Sou-ke, Iroquois and Kalapuya people, French-Canadian fur-trade families, Catholic missions, migration, changing borders and a Pacific Northwest that looked very different from the one we know today.

And somewhere in the middle of that history are my ancestors.

Start with Joseph

My ancestor was Joseph Brulé, born around 1831.

His father was an Iroquois man identified in historical records as Jacques Iroquois.

His mother was Marguerite, a woman of the T’Sou-ke people of southern Vancouver Island.

Joseph eventually carried the Brulé surname because his mother married Jean-Baptiste Brulé after Jacques had died, and Joseph took the Brulé name.

That matters because a French surname does not erase Indigenous ancestry.

A name is not a DNA test.

And colonial records often tell only part of a person's story.

Then there was Mary Ann

Joseph married Mary Ann Miranda Brulé, also known as Marianne.

Mary Ann's family history is extraordinary in its own right.

Her father, Louis Miranda, came to the Oregon Country in 1816 and spent many years at Fort Vancouver.

Mary Ann later testified that her father was Louis Marchelle and that her mother was a Kalapuya woman from the Marysville area.

As a child, Mary Ann was sent to the Catholic boarding school at St. Paul in French Prairie.

She was only about 15 years old when she married Joseph Brulé.

Think about that.

A teenage Indigenous girl, coming out of a mission school, marrying a young man whose father was Iroquois and whose mother was T’Sou-ke.

This was not some isolated European frontier.

This was an Indigenous world deeply connected to the fur trade and to the movement of people across what would eventually become the Canada–United States border.

Then they went north

This is the part that stopped me.

In 1849, Joseph and Mary Ann headed north toward Vancouver Island.

Why?

Historical research gives us an answer.

There was increasing unease about remaining in American territory following the settlement of the Oregon boundary.

But there was another reason.

Joseph's mother, Marguerite, wanted to return home to the territory of the T’Sou-ke people.

So the family went north.

They eventually settled in the Victoria and Sooke area.

And that means the connection to Sooke isn't simply a place my family happened to live.

It was home to my ancestor.

So am I T’Sou-ke?

This is where I want to be precise.

I can say:

I have T’Sou-ke ancestry.

I can say:

I am descended from a woman of the T’Sou-ke people.

I cannot automatically claim that I am a member or citizen of the modern T’Sou-ke Nation. Indigenous citizenship and belonging are determined by the Nation and its own laws and community relationships.

Those are different things.

But ancestry matters.

And knowing where your ancestors came from matters.

So does knowing what happened to them.

And the ancestry doesn't stop there

Joseph was descended from a T’Sou-ke mother and an Iroquois father.

Mary Ann was descended from an Iroquois father and a Kalapuya mother.

Their family therefore brought together Indigenous histories from very different parts of North America.

T’Sou-ke.
Iroquois.
Kalapuya.

And then there were the French-Canadian fur-trade connections that linked these families to the enormous network of people moving through the Pacific Northwest.

This is what makes the history of the region so fascinating.

People were not living in neat boxes labelled Canadian, American, Indigenous, French or European.

They were living lives.

They were marrying.

They were travelling.

They were working.

They were raising children.

They were crossing rivers and mountains.

And eventually, governments drew borders across the world they already knew.

The border changed. The family didn't disappear.

The Oregon boundary was settled in 1846.

The United States was expanding.

British territory remained north of the border.

And families who had lived and travelled throughout the region suddenly found themselves living under increasingly different political systems.

For my ancestors, that meant moving north.

And eventually, Joseph died on Vancouver Island.

Mary Ann remained there and raised her children.

She later married again and had more children.

Her life continued through enormous changes in the Pacific Northwest.

This is why genealogy matters to me

When people hear “family history,” they sometimes imagine old photographs, names and dates.

But behind every name is a person.

And behind every person is a world.

My ancestors lived through the transformation of the Pacific Northwest from the fur-trade era into the colonial world that became Canada and the United States.

They were Indigenous people whose families became connected to French-Canadian fur traders and Catholic missions.

They crossed borders that were being created around them.

They experienced the loss of old political and social systems and the emergence of new ones.

And they carried their families forward.

That is my history.

Not a simple category.

Not a neat little box.

A tangled, complicated Pacific Northwest story.

T’Sou-ke. Iroquois. Kalapuya. French Canadian. Fur trade. Oregon Country. Vancouver Island.

And me.

Still trying to learn what happened to the people who came before me.

Because the more I learn, the more I realize:

They weren't living on the margins of history.

They were living through history.

INVESTIGATE. CREATE. DREAM BIG.

 The kids are back at college and university. 🎓

Teachers — here's a topic for them:

INVESTIGATE. CREATE. DREAM BIG.

Why are we so dependent on airplanes for long-distance travel?

What happened to passenger ships that once connected coastal communities?

What if we brought back transportation ships — not cruise ships, but practical passenger vessels where you buy a ticket, bring your luggage and actually go somewhere?

What if you could travel:

🇨🇦 Vancouver → Mexico 🇲🇽

without going through the United States?

And what about rail?

We're already talking about restoring old rail connections in British Columbia. What could happen if we started thinking about transportation as a connected system again — rail + passenger ship + rail?

Students could investigate the history, economics, engineering, environmental impact, Indigenous perspectives, immigration, tourism, fuel costs, ports, rail infrastructure, safety and regulations.

Then design it.

Draw the ship.

Map the route.

Calculate the travel time.

Figure out what a ticket might cost.

Work out where people would stop.

Ask what would make it practical today.

And then ask the biggest question:

Why not?

Sometimes the problem isn't that something is impossible.

Sometimes we've simply stopped imagining it.

Kids — dream BIG.

Teachers — give them something worth dreaming about.

And maybe one of them will build the transportation system we're going to need 20 years from now. 🌊🚂

Tuesday, September 15, 2026

Gr. Grandpa Joseph Enos Diary March 1883

 Excerpt from My Great-Grandfather’s Diary 📖

I’m sharing excerpts from my Great-Grandfather’s diary. They may not always appear in chronological order, so please bear with me as I work through them.

He lived in Nanoose Bay, on Notch Hill, and his diary gives us a glimpse into our family’s life and history.

My Great-Great-Grandfather came from the Azores to Victoria in 1862. He later married my Songhees Great-Great-Grandmother in 1876, the same year the federal Indian Act was enacted.

The diary belonged to my Great-Grandfather. My Great-Aunt Mary eventually donated it to the Royal BC Museum. I was able to have it scanned into a PDF, and I’ve also been working from the handwritten cursive to create a hand-printed transcription so that we can actually read his words.

It feels pretty special to be able to bring these pages back into the family story, more than a century later.

More excerpts to come. ❤️


Transcription Note

Please note: These transcriptions may contain errors. I am working from handwritten cursive that is more than 140 years old, and some words, names and places are difficult to decipher. Where I’m uncertain, I’ve indicated it with [brackets] or a question mark rather than guessing.

I’m sharing these as a work in progress, and I’ll continue to correct and refine the transcriptions as I learn more.


Joseph Enos Diary — March 1883

Places, People & Subjects Mentioned

Nanaimo · N.W. Bay · Nanoose Bay · Little Ranch · Notch Hill · L. Swoomp · Indian · Azores · English · E.M. River · camp

Hauling wood · Bringing home oxen · Burning logs · Shot a panther (cougar) · Bringing dogfish scraps home for manure · Grafting · Sawing wood · Fixing fishing line · Planting beach garden · Sowing onion seeds · Planting potatoes · Killed a panther (cougar) · Ploughing · Transplanting cabbage · Sports in Nanaimo · Lost boat on account of high tide


Background — John Enos

Went to Nanaimo.

In the Fall of 1859, the loss of his boat caused Mr. Enos to come to Victoria, where he shipped on a Schooner that was carrying coal from Nanaimo to HMS Satellite at Esquimalt.

The acquaintance of some miners, a liking for the place and surroundings, induced Mr. Enos to make Nanaimo his home and to work for the Hudson's Bay Company.

The manager, Mr. Nichols, gave him permission to settle on a piece of land near the ravine which he bridged, falling a tree on either bent. This served all practical purposes.


March 1883

March 1–4

March 1, 1883 — Thursday

Hauling turnips and manure. I took a letter to R. Wiles to be sent to Tomas Pride, Nanaimo.

Killed a deer at the turnips with a set gun, this being the first killed in this way for this year.

March 2 — Friday

Fine, clear day. Hauling turnips and manure.

Beautiful, calm, clear day. Hauling turnips and manure.

March 3 — Saturday

Fine day.

AM: hauling turnips and manure.

PM: hauling wood.

March 4 — Sunday

Mild, cloudy and snowy.

1 AM: Father and I went to look for H. Ross's cow but could not find him.


March 5–9

March 5 — Monday

Fine, clear day.

AM: I went to look for [Maggie?]

PM: hauling logs to finish the fence by the new road.

March 6 — Tuesday

Cloudy and windy. 10 PM rain.

AM: Father went to the islands to get some fish scraps which the fishermen left there for us, but found that someone had taken them. We therefore brought a load of lumber home.

March 7 — Wednesday

Light rain. At home all day.

March 8 — Thursday

Fine, clear day. Planting fruit & trees.

March 9 — Friday

AM: Light rain.

PM: Fine. Sewing oats at the spit.


March 10–13

March 10 — Saturday

Fine, clear day.

3 AM: I went to look for Maggie the cow and when I returned I found T. Morgan and H. Ross home.

They left about 1 o'clock.

10 PM: Jinny the mare came from Wellington.

All is well.

March 11 — Sunday

Fine, clear day.

I went to look for Maggie but failed to find her.

8: When I returned I found John Silver and John Antoin at home. They brought us a fine lot of fish.

They went home to camp about 3 o'clock.

March 12 — Monday

Fine day.

AM: Father went to look for Maggie.

At 7 AM, 8 AM: M. R. Westmorland called on his way to Nanaimo. We sent 10 doz. of eggs to his brothers.

Bob returned about 9 PM and brought mail, among them two papers addressed to me.

Bob remained with us all night.

Father saw two blue grouse.

March 13 — Tuesday

Fine day.

R. Westmorland went home early this morning.

Planting apple trees.


March 14–18

March 14 — Wednesday

Fine, clear day.

Ploughing by the sea.

March 15 — Thursday

Fine day.

Father and I went to Nanaimo.

March 16 — Friday

Fine, clear day.

Father and I returned from Nanaimo.

March 17 — Saturday

High wind.

We planted the beach garden.

I went to look for the horses, could not find them.

Herring is in the day.

March 18 — Sunday

Fine, clear day.

Ann soon Mr. Seals came to get...

[Entry incomplete in transcription.]


March 18–22

March 18, 1883

He offered Father $10 dollars to take it to Nanaimo.

Found 4 PM Bob Hamilton called and went across the bay to meet his father. He also called on his way home.

All is well.

March 19 — Monday

Fine day.

Father and I went to E.M. River and remained there all night.

We took 2 sacks of seed potatoes up.

March 20 — Tuesday

Fine, clear day.

We left the E.M. River 11 o'clock.

We brought some oats for A. Westmerland and J. Hamilton, also 447 lbs. for ourselves, and a pig and horse also.

We arrived home about 4 o'clock, all safe.

Fine day.

Ploughing by the spring.

3 PM: Bob Harcheran came to get his oats.

7 AM: Bob Weatherland called for his oats.

Bob H. reported finding Maggie the cow.

And I went to fetch Mr. McDougall.

March 21 — Wednesday

[Entry continues in the original transcription.]

March 22 — Thursday

I took Mr. McDougall across the bay. He is going to leave us for a while and I hope he will return all safe.

7 PM: Ploughing the Spanish garden.


March 23–27

March 23 — Friday

AM: Light rain.

PM: Fine.

Sewing oats at the bottom.

March 24 — Saturday

Fine day.

I went to take a hunt and accidentally came across Maggie the cow.

She must have got out of the bottom of Hamilton's fence.

March 25 — Sunday

AM: I just took Maggie the cow.

H. Ross, Wellington.

I returned about 6 o'clock PM.

Father brought Tolly home with a cake.

Hamilton called.

March 26 — Monday

Fine, clear day.

[Working in] the garden at the bottom.

March 27 — Tuesday

Fine, clear day.

Finish [weeding] the garden.


March 28–31

March 28 — Wednesday

Cloudy.

Ploughing at the spit.

March 29 — Thursday

Cloudy.

New oats in the spit.

March 30 — Friday

Fine day.

I am ploughing at the spit alone.

Father is grafting.

March 31 — Saturday

Fine.

We have got things ready to go and plough for J. Hamilton.


Newspaper / Biographical Material

Pioneer Citizen Removed By Death

John Enos, Miner and Farmer, Dies at Ripe Age

The death occurred Friday afternoon at St. Joseph's Hospital of John Enos, aged 87 years.

A native of the Azores Islands, he came to America in 1852.

Previous to visiting the goldfields of California and British Columbia, Mr. Enos visited various seaports of New England, went to West Indies and South Africa.

Having worked for some time in the south, he came to Fort Yale in 1858.


Names Mentioned

Joseph Enos Diary

Jos. E. Almada

R. Wibbs
L. Jones
L. Hamilton
T. Wall
A. Peanfield
Albert Hirst
E. Quonell
John McBride
Mrs. Jack
Miss Mary Ann

where did b.c.’s $936 million tobacco settlement payment go?

 where did b.c.’s $936 million tobacco settlement payment go?


where did b.c.’s $936 million tobacco settlement payment go?

In 2025, British Columbia received its first $936 million payment from the historic Canadian tobacco litigation settlement.

B.C. is expected to receive more than $3.6 billion over approximately 18 years.

The total Canadian settlement is valued at $32.5 billion.

Those are enormous numbers.

And they raise a very simple question:

Where did the first $936 million go?

Not where was it accounted for.

Not what the government says the settlement will eventually support.

Where did the money actually go?

That distinction matters.

The province has reported tobacco-settlement revenue as part of its overall provincial finances. But if taxpayers are told that billions of dollars are coming to B.C. because of the enormous health and social costs caused by tobacco, British Columbians should be able to follow the money.

We should be able to trace it from:

tobacco companies → settlement → B.C. government → provincial accounts → actual spending.

And we should be able to do that without needing a forensic accountant to decode the government's books.

$936 million is not pocket change

For perspective, $936 million is almost a billion dollars.

It could represent thousands of units of supportive housing.

It could fund health-care programs.

It could support cancer prevention and treatment.

It could fund smoking cessation and prevention programs.

It could support Indigenous health initiatives.

It could help address the consequences of addiction.

Or it could simply become part of the province's enormous general pool of revenues and help reduce the deficit.

There is nothing inherently improper about government revenue entering the province's consolidated financial accounts.

But transparency matters enormously when the public has been told where settlement money is intended to make a difference.

If the money is not specifically protected or earmarked, then say so.

If it is being used to reduce the deficit, say so.

If it is replacing money that would otherwise have been spent on health care, say so.

If it is funding new programs, identify them and provide the amounts.

Show us the receipts.

And then there is the $2.725 billion question

The accounting raises an even bigger question.

B.C.'s financial reporting recognized approximately $2.725 billion in one-time tobacco-settlement revenue in 2025/26.

But the first publicly announced payment was $936 million.

That does not necessarily mean someone received an unexplained additional $1.789 billion in cash.

Government accounting can recognize revenue differently from the timing of cash payments.

But that makes the question more important, not less.

British Columbians deserve to understand exactly what happened.

Was additional settlement money received?

Was some of the settlement recorded as a receivable?

Was the entire settlement, or part of it, recognized because of the settlement agreement?

What accounting treatment was used?

And where is the corresponding money now?

So let's ask every person responsible

This should not be a question directed at one anonymous government department.

There are elected officials and public servants responsible for explaining B.C.'s finances.

To the Premier of British Columbia:

Premier, where did the $936 million first tobacco-settlement payment go?

Was it placed in a dedicated account?

If not, why not?

How much of that $936 million was actually spent during 2025/26?

What programs received it?

How much went toward reducing the provincial deficit?

And can you provide British Columbians with a line-by-line accounting?

To the Minister of Finance:

Minister, please reconcile the numbers.

B.C. received a first payment of $936 million, yet the province reported approximately $2.725 billion in tobacco-settlement revenue.

Please explain, in plain language, how $936 million became $2.725 billion in the provincial accounts.

How much was cash?

How much was receivable?

What accounting standard permitted the recognition?

And where can taxpayers see the corresponding entries?

To the Attorney General:

The Attorney General's ministry was central to the tobacco litigation.

What restrictions, if any, were placed on B.C.'s settlement money?

Does the settlement legally require B.C. to spend the money on tobacco-related health consequences?

If there are no such restrictions, why was the public told about cancer treatment, primary care, research and smoking cessation when announcing the settlement?

What was promised?

What was legally required?

And what was simply a policy intention?

To the Minister of Health:

How much tobacco-settlement money actually reached health care?

Not the regular health budget.

Not the total amount B.C. spends on cancer.

Specifically:

How many dollars from this settlement were allocated to tobacco-related prevention, cessation, cancer care, research or other health programs?

Please identify the programs and amounts.

To the Auditor General of British Columbia:

Can British Columbians independently verify the government's accounting of this settlement?

Has your office examined the tobacco-settlement revenue?

If so, what did you find?

If not, should this unusually large one-time revenue source be subject to additional scrutiny?

To the Comptroller General:

Please show us the accounting trail.

What account received the first $936 million?

What journal entries were made?

Why was $2.725 billion recognized as tobacco-settlement revenue?

What liabilities, receivables or other financial instruments correspond to that amount?

And what happened to the money after it entered the government's consolidated accounts?

And I have questions for the opposition, too

This should not become a partisan question.

To the BC NDP government:

Show us the money.

To the BC Conservatives:

Will you demand a complete accounting of every dollar?

To the BC Greens:

Will you demand that tobacco-settlement money be transparently tracked and publicly reported?

And to every MLA:

Will you vote for greater transparency if the government refuses to provide a line-by-line accounting?

Because this isn't really about party politics.

It is about public money.

The people who paid for this settlement are not sitting in government offices

They are the people who smoked.

They are the people who became addicted.

They are the families who lost parents, spouses and children.

They are the people living with cancer and chronic disease.

They are the health-care workers who have treated the consequences.

They are taxpayers who have funded the health-care system dealing with those consequences for decades.

The tobacco companies are paying billions because governments argued that their conduct created enormous public costs.

So when that money finally arrives, the public has a right to follow it.

I am not alleging that B.C. has done anything improper.

I am asking for something much simpler:

Transparency.

If every dollar can be accounted for, show us.

If the money was absorbed into general revenue, tell us.

If it reduced the deficit, tell us.

If it funded health care, tell us exactly how much.

If $2.725 billion was recognized as revenue while only $936 million was initially paid, explain the accounting.

No smoke.

No mirrors.

Just the money trail.

10 hard questions for the people responsible

  1. Where exactly was the first $936 million deposited?

  2. How much of that $936 million was spent, and on what?

  3. Why was approximately $2.725 billion recognized as tobacco-settlement revenue in 2025/26?

  4. What is the complete accounting reconciliation between the $936 million payment and the $2.725 billion revenue figure?

  5. How much of the settlement has actually been allocated to tobacco-related health programs?

  6. How much has effectively reduced B.C.'s deficit?

  7. Is any of the settlement money protected, restricted or separately tracked?

  8. Can the public obtain the relevant accounting entries and supporting documents?

  9. Who is ultimately accountable for reporting how this money is used?

  10. Will the government publish a public, annual, dollar-by-dollar accounting of the entire $3.6+ billion B.C. settlement?

Because $3.6 billion is too much money to disappear into a sentence in a budget document.

And $936 million is too much money to simply stop asking questions about once the cheque clears.


Monday, September 14, 2026

I am not saying the money has been stolen

 follow the tobacco settlement money

I knew something wasn't sitting right with me about B.C.'s tobacco settlement.

So I started following the paper trail.

Here is what we know.

In 2025, B.C. announced that it would receive more than $3.6 billion over approximately 18 years from the historic tobacco litigation settlement. The first payment was $936 million.

The total Canadian settlement is valued at $32.5 billion.

And B.C.'s government said its share would provide resources for cancer treatment, primary care, treatment research and smoking cessation.

But then we get to the accounting.

B.C.'s financial documents record a one-time net revenue of $2.7 billion from the tobacco settlement in 2025/26. The government explains that this represents B.C.'s portion of the global award, net of legal costs and discounted because the payments will occur over many years.

And Budget 2026 explicitly says that this $2.7-billion tobacco settlement reduced the projected provincial deficit.

That is where I want to stop and ask questions.

I am not saying the money has been stolen.

I am not saying the government has broken the law.

I am saying that billions of dollars resulting from decades of tobacco-related harm deserve extraordinary transparency.

If this money is supposed to help address the damage caused by tobacco, show British Columbians exactly how it is being used.

Where is the accounting trail?

How much has gone to cancer treatment?

How much to primary care?

How much to treatment research?

How much to smoking cessation and prevention?

And what about the people already struggling with addiction and mental health?

What about education?

What about young people?

What about art and creative programs that give people connection, purpose, expression and alternatives to addiction?

I want prevention, not just treatment after people are already sick.

I want education before addiction begins.

I want accessible addiction treatment and recovery.

I want mental-health support.

I want communities to have tools to heal.

And I want an independent investigation to follow the money from the tobacco companies, through the settlement and B.C.'s accounts, to the programs and expenditures it ultimately supports.

The government has told us what this settlement is intended to accomplish.

Now let's see the evidence.

ICIJ — please follow the money.

And B.C. Auditor General: please follow the accounting.

This isn't an accusation.

It's a request for accountability.

Because if billions were recovered from an industry for the harm it caused, British Columbians deserve to know whether those billions are actually helping prevent and repair that harm.

10 Questions

Why was $2.7 billion recognized as one-time revenue, and exactly how was that figure calculated?

Where is the $936-million first payment today, and what specific expenditures can be traced to it?

How much of the settlement has actually been spent on cancer treatment, primary care, treatment research and smoking cessation — the purposes the government publicly identified?

How much has simply improved the province's overall fiscal position by reducing the deficit?

Is there a dedicated accounting trail that allows the public to distinguish tobacco-settlement money from ordinary provincial revenue?

What independent oversight exists over the settlement funds?

What measurable prevention programs are being funded so fewer young people become addicted to nicotine?

Why shouldn't a portion support mental-health and addiction treatment for people already living with the consequences of substance dependence?

Could community arts, creative education and arts-based healing be funded as part of a broader prevention strategy — and if not, why not?

ICIJ, B.C. Auditor General and investigative journalists: will you follow the money all the way from the tobacco companies to the final public benefit?

#FollowTheMoney #TobaccoSettlement #BCPoli #PublicAccountability #Transparency #PublicHealth #AddictionPrevention #MentalHealth #ArtsForHealing #ICIJ




ICIJ: please follow the tobacco money

International Consortium of Investigative Journalists: please follow the tobacco money

B.C. is receiving billions of dollars from the tobacco settlement.

The province has already received a major payment — and Budget 2026 says tobacco-settlement money has helped reduce the provincial deficit.

That raises a question I don't think taxpayers should have to answer for themselves:

Where is the money actually going?

I am asking the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) to follow it.

Not because I can prove the money is being misused.

Because billions of public dollars deserve independent scrutiny.

Follow the money from the tobacco companies → to the settlement → to the B.C. government → into the provincial accounts → and ultimately to the programs, departments, contracts or other expenditures it supports.

Show us the paper trail.

How much has B.C. received?

How much has been spent?

How much has gone into general revenue?

How much is being used for prevention?

How much for education?

How much for smoking cessation?

How much for addiction treatment?

How much for mental-health services?

And what about art and creative programs that help prevent addiction, build connection and support healing?

The tobacco industry spent decades selling an addictive product while governments and taxpayers carried enormous health and social costs.

Now there is an opportunity to turn some of that settlement into something that prevents the next generation from becoming addicted in the first place.

Prevention. Education. Treatment. Recovery. Mental health. Art. Community.

I don't want another billion-dollar promise that becomes impossible for ordinary people to trace.

I want the public to be able to follow every dollar.

ICIJ — please follow the money.

Because transparency isn't an accusation.

It's accountability.

#FollowTheMoney #ICIJ #TobaccoSettlement #BritishColumbia #BCPoli #PublicAccountability #Transparency #AddictionPrevention #MentalHealth #ArtsForHealing #PublicHealth

The Treaty Canada Forgot: Two Boats on One River

 The Treaty Canada Forgot: Two Boats on One River

Imagine that two nations agree to travel down the same river.

One has a canoe.

The other has a ship.

They agree that each will steer its own vessel.

Neither will impose its laws, language or way of life on the other.

They will live beside one another in peace.

That is the powerful image of the Two Row Wampum.

So what happened?

How did we get from two boats travelling together to a Canadian government that once attempted to control almost every aspect of Indigenous life?

That is the uncomfortable part of the story.

The relationship was supposed to be ongoing

Treaties were not necessarily understood by Indigenous nations as one-time transactions in which they permanently surrendered their relationship to their lands and governments.

They were relationships.

They were renewed.

They were remembered.

They involved obligations on both sides.

Wampum belts could serve as reminders of those relationships.

Canada's own historical and legal materials acknowledge that Indigenous nations and European powers negotiated treaties according to diplomatic traditions that included wampum, oral histories and continuing renewal of agreements.

The relationship was not supposed to end when the ink dried.

Then Canada built a system of assimilation

After Confederation in 1867, Canadian governments increasingly pursued policies aimed at assimilation.

The Indian Act became a central mechanism.

Residential schools attempted to separate children from their families, languages and cultures.

Traditional governance systems were undermined.

Indigenous people could be subjected to government control over matters that most Canadians would consider fundamental personal and political freedoms.

This was not the relationship represented by two nations travelling beside one another.

It was closer to one government attempting to take control of the other vessel.

Canada's Department of Justice has acknowledged that after Confederation, Crown policy became one of assimilation rather than partnership.

But the canoe didn't disappear.

This is perhaps the most important part.

Indigenous nations survived.

Their languages survived.

Their laws survived.

Their memories survived.

Their stories survived.

Their wampum traditions survived.

And so did the understanding that treaties created relationships and responsibilities that did not simply disappear because a colonial government changed its policies.

In 1917, for example, Six Nations Clan Mothers invoked the Two Row and Covenant Chain wampum relationships in a petition to King George V.

The belt was still being used as a political memory and a statement about the relationship between the Crown and the Haudenosaunee.

The canoe was still there.

Canada today

Modern Canada now uses very different language.

We hear:

reconciliation.

nation-to-nation relationships.

Indigenous self-government.

treaty rights.

UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

And Canada's Department of Justice explicitly says treaties are living frameworks for relationships between Indigenous peoples and the Crown.

But words are easy.

Relationships are harder.

If the Two Row Wampum is going to be more than a beautiful historical symbol, then its principles have to mean something.

Peace.

Friendship.

Respect.

Mutual recognition.

Non-interference.

And the right of each nation to govern its own people.

Maybe reconciliation begins with remembering the original agreement.

Not remembering it as a quaint story.

Not putting a picture of the belt on a museum wall and walking away.

But asking what it actually means.

Two boats.

One river.

Neither steering the other.

Perhaps Canada has spent several centuries trying to steer the canoe.

Perhaps the work of reconciliation is learning how to stop.

And perhaps the most radical thing Canada could do is finally take seriously the relationship that Indigenous peoples have been reminding us about for generations.

The canoe was never supposed to disappear.

It was supposed to travel beside us.

Sunday, September 13, 2026

Housing First March-Spread the word

 


housing first — october 10, 2026

Imagine being a little girl in a department store with your mother when suddenly a huge crowd of angry men comes marching through the store, demanding work.

😬😱

That happened to my mother.

It would have been around 1934, during the Great Depression.

Imagine being a child and seeing that.

Men desperate for work. Families struggling. People demanding the basic opportunity to earn a living and survive.

Nearly a century later, I can't help wondering:

How much have we really changed?

Because today, people are still being pushed to the edge — except now the crisis is also about whether you can afford a place to live at all.

finally — a housing march

On October 10, 2026, there is going to be a Housing First March in Vancouver.

And we need everyone to come out.

Come from Vancouver.
Come from Surrey.
Come from the Valley.
Come from the Island.
Come from the Interior.
Come from wherever you live.

Because this isn't just a Vancouver problem.

Every town and every community is being affected by the housing crisis.

In B.C.'s 2023 homeless counts, 11,352 people were identified as experiencing homelessness across 27 communities.

8% were under 25.

And this really stays with me:

47% of respondents said they had first experienced homelessness when they were youth.

In the previous provincewide count, 21% of people experiencing homelessness were 55 or older.

These aren't just statistics.

They're people.

Young people.
Families.
Workers.
Seniors.
People who never imagined they would become homeless.

And people are dying.

At least 458 people experiencing homelessness died in B.C. in 2023.

when housing becomes a health-care problem

And here's another part of this crisis that doesn't get talked about enough.

Hospitals are not housing providers.

Doctors and nurses can treat illness and injury. Hospitals can provide emergency and acute care.

But what happens when someone is medically ready to leave — and has nowhere safe to go?

A hospital cannot become someone's permanent home.

People can end up being directed toward emergency shelters or other temporary accommodations.

And we need to be honest:

a shelter is not the same thing as a home.

Some people don't feel safe in shelters. Some environments can be chaotic, crowded or difficult for people with health, mobility, trauma or other needs. And even a good shelter is still temporary.

We cannot keep expecting the health-care system to pick up the pieces of a housing crisis.

Housing is part of health.

If someone has nowhere safe to sleep, nowhere to store their medication, nowhere to recover after an illness, or nowhere to go when they leave hospital, their health doesn't magically stop being a housing issue.

how did we get here?

We need to remember some history.

In 1993, the federal government stopped increasing funding for social housing, effectively ending federal funding for new social housing outside the exceptions that remained. In 1996, the federal government began transferring responsibility for administering much of the existing social-housing portfolio to the provinces.

Much of Canada's existing social housing was built between 1946 and 1993.

Then came years of cuts, restructuring and inadequate social supports.

Meanwhile, housing increasingly became an investment before it was treated as a basic necessity.

We have watched housing prices soar while people struggle to find somewhere affordable to live.

We have vacant homes.

We have luxury developments.

We have luxury cars that can cost more than what many people can afford to spend on an entire home.

And we just hosted FIFA.

The games are over.

The visitors have gone home.

But FIFA didn't solve the housing crisis.

Another major event cannot substitute for housing policy.

Another luxury tower cannot substitute for housing policy.

Another announcement cannot substitute for housing policy.

People need homes.

Safe homes.
Affordable homes.
Homes they can actually afford to stay in.

My mother saw desperate men demanding work during the Depression.

I wonder what she would think if she could see people today — working, raising children, growing old — and still unable to afford a place to live.

We should have learned something by now.

so come out

October 10, 2026
📍 Victory Square — 1:00 pm

The march will travel west on Hastings, south on Granville, then west on Robson to the Vancouver Art Gallery.

Bring your friends.
Bring your signs.
Bring your voice.

Come from the Valley.
Come from your town.
Come from wherever you are.

Because every community is affected.

This is not somebody else's problem.

It is the young person who can't afford to move out.
The worker who can't afford to live near work.
The family living in an overcrowded home.
The senior who can no longer afford rent.
The person sleeping outside.
The patient leaving hospital with nowhere safe to go.

Housing shouldn't be a privilege reserved for people who can afford it.

My mother saw men marching for work nearly a century ago.

Now we need to march for something just as fundamental:

a place to live.

💜 HOUSING FIRST.

Let's show up.


#HousingFirst #HousingCrisis #Homelessness #AffordableHousing #SocialHousing #HousingJustice #WorldHomelessDay #Vancouver #BCHousing #October10


Saturday, September 12, 2026

who gets to decide what the orange shirt means?

 

who gets to decide what the orange shirt means?

In late August, Rebel News announced that it was selling orange T-shirts for the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation.

The explanation caught my attention.

Rebel says the shirts are about “challenging the identity politics that Canadians are increasingly pressured to accept” and “standing up for the whole truth in our complex Canadian history.”

I believe in asking questions.

I believe in looking at evidence.

I believe history should never be protected from honest examination simply because a subject is uncomfortable.

But there is another question we should ask:

Why take the orange shirt — a symbol rooted in the experience of residential-school survivor Phyllis Jack Webstad — and turn it into a vehicle for a political argument?

Orange Shirt Day did not begin as a conservative-versus-liberal culture war.

It began with a child's story.

Phyllis Jack Webstad has described arriving at residential school wearing a new orange shirt that was taken away from her. The orange shirt became a powerful symbol of what residential schools did to Indigenous children: taking away belongings, identity, culture, family connections and freedom.

That history deserves serious discussion.

If Rebel News believes Canadians need to “dig deeper,” then let's dig deeper.

Let's talk about the records.

Let's talk about survivors.

Let's talk about government policy.

Let's talk about the churches that operated the schools.

Let's talk about what has been documented, what remains uncertain, and what historians and Indigenous communities continue to research.

But let's also ask whether there is a difference between questioning history and using an Indigenous symbol to provoke a political fight.

Truth and reconciliation should not require Canadians to stop asking questions.

But neither should asking questions require us to dismiss the people whose experiences created the symbol in the first place.

I don't need to agree with every interpretation of Canadian history to understand why an orange shirt carries meaning.

And I don't think anyone owns the truth.

But perhaps before turning someone's painful history into merchandise, we should ask:

Who are we listening to?

Who benefits?

And what exactly are we trying to reconcile?

10 questions to reflect on

  1. Who gets to decide what the orange shirt represents?
  2. Can we question Canadian history without dismissing Indigenous survivors?
  3. When does “dig deeper” become a genuine search for truth — and when does it become political provocation?
  4. Why use a symbol created from a survivor's experience to sell a culture-war message?
  5. Can evidence and Indigenous testimony exist together rather than being treated as opposing forces?
  6. Are Canadians capable of discussing residential schools without turning the conversation into left versus right?
  7. If we want the “whole truth,” are we prepared to listen to uncomfortable truths as well as challenge uncomfortable claims?
  8. What responsibility comes with using another person's trauma as a political symbol?
  9. Does reconciliation mean agreeing on everything — or learning how to confront difficult history honestly?
  10. Before we buy the shirt, share the post or join the argument, should we stop and ask whose story we are actually wearing?

Truth should be big enough for questions.
Respect should be big enough for survivors.

#truthandreconciliation #orangeshirtday #everychildmatters #residentialschools #indigenoushistory #canadianhistory #reconciliation #phyllisjackwebstad #truth #respect

Friday, September 11, 2026

Justice for Whom?

 For $850,000 a year, what exactly are the Edmonton Oilers asking the public to trust?


you know you're raping me?

If this were your daughter, knowing everything that is publicly known about this case, would you feel comfortable leaving her alone with this man?

Stop for a moment.

Really think about your answer.

Because that is the question I can't get out of my head today.

Alex Formenton has been signed by the Edmonton Oilers.

He was one of the five former Canadian junior hockey players charged in connection with the 2018 Hockey Canada sexual-assault case. All five were acquitted in criminal court in 2025.

That legal distinction matters. An acquittal means the Crown did not prove the criminal charges beyond a reasonable doubt.

But an acquittal does not make every question about accountability disappear.

And today, I am asking a much bigger question than what happens on a hockey rink.

How many other men—men without fame, money, professional contracts or powerful institutions behind them—have walked away from allegations of sexual violence and simply returned to their lives?

How many survivors are still carrying what happened?

How many families are still waiting?

How many women have been told, directly or indirectly, that they have to live with the consequences while everyone else gets to move on?

And then there is another uncomfortable connection.

Canada has already spent years being told that the crisis of violence against Indigenous women, girls and 2SLGBTQI+ people requires fundamental change.

The National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls and 2SLGBTQQIA+ People produced 231 Calls for Justice.

Seven years later, Canada's own reporting acknowledges continuing frustration from families and survivors over delays, fragmentation and a lack of accountability.

So what exactly are we doing?

We write reports.

We make calls for justice.

We make promises.

We hold ceremonies.

We say never again.

And then another woman says she was sexually assaulted.

Another survivor is expected to carry the trauma.

Another institution decides what it can live with.

And another professional career continues.

At what point do we stop asking survivors to prove that their pain matters and start asking institutions what responsibility looks like?

I don't believe due process should disappear.

I don't believe an acquittal should be ignored.

But I also don't believe accountability should end at the courthouse door.

There are choices made after a criminal case.

Hockey Canada makes choices.

Leagues make choices.

Teams make choices.

Sponsors make choices.

Fans make choices.

And ordinary people make choices about what they are willing to normalize.

So I'll ask the question again:

If this were your daughter, would you feel comfortable leaving her alone with this man?

And if your answer is no—

why are we comfortable celebrating him?

10 questions I can't stop asking

  1. If this were your daughter, would you feel comfortable leaving her alone with this man?
  2. How many men without fame or professional careers have faced allegations and simply disappeared from public attention?
  3. How many survivors are still carrying the consequences years later?
  4. Does criminal acquittal answer every question about institutional accountability?
  5. What responsibility should a professional sports team have beyond the criminal courts?
  6. What message does this send to young athletes about consent?
  7. What message does it send to survivors about speaking up?
  8. Seven years after the MMIWG National Inquiry, why are families still talking about delays and lack of accountability?
  9. How many reports and Calls for Justice do we need before institutions actually change?
  10. Who is accountable when everyone says someone else is responsible?

sexual violence, sexual assault, consent, hockey canada, alex formenton, accountability, survivors, MMIWG, calls for justice, institutional responsibility

#sexualassault #sexualviolence #consent #hockeycanada #accountability #survivors #MMIWG #callsforjustice #believesurvivors #endsexualviolence


67 million for cameras — but what about people?

 67 million for cameras — but what about people?

B.C., pay attention.

The province is replacing all 140 red-light and speed cameras across British Columbia under a $67-million, 10-year contract with Jenoptik Canada.

The government says the new cameras will have higher resolution and provide “better data” to help reduce dangerous driving and serious collisions.

And yes, road safety matters.

But whenever we install increasingly sophisticated cameras, we should also be asking some very basic questions:

What exactly are these cameras collecting?

How much information is stored?

How long is it kept?

Who can access it?

Can the technology eventually be expanded to identify and track vehicles beyond red-light and speeding violations?

And what safeguards prevent a road-safety system from slowly becoming something much bigger?

I want people to understand something else, too:

Don't confuse this $67-million Jenoptik project with Flock Safety. Flock is a separate automated licence-plate-reader system used extensively in the United States. The B.C. announcement is about replacing the province's existing intersection safety cameras.

But that doesn't mean we should simply shrug and say, “It's only traffic cameras.”

Technology changes.

Capabilities change.

Policies change.

And once expensive surveillance infrastructure is installed, it can be very difficult to put the genie back in the bottle.

So here's another question I can't stop thinking about:

If British Columbia can find $67 million for cameras, why can't we find enough money to make sure people have somewhere safe to sleep and enough food to eat?

We have people living on sidewalks.

People sleeping in vehicles.

People moving from couch to couch.

People choosing between groceries and rent.

People who are working and still can't afford housing.

We keep hearing that there isn't enough money.

Yet somehow, there is money for infrastructure, contracts, technology and enforcement.

I'm not saying don't make roads safer.

I'm asking whether safety should also include the people who are already struggling to survive.

A society should be able to do both.

Keep people safe on the roads.

And keep people from freezing, starving or sleeping outside.

So, B.C., here's what I want to know:

What does “better data” mean?

And if we can spend $67 million watching the roads, why can't we spend the same determination making sure nobody is left without a place to call home?


Reflective Questions

1. If cameras are installed for road safety today, who decides what they can be used for tomorrow?

2. What happens when technology created to catch dangerous drivers becomes useful for tracking ordinary people?

3. How much information should governments be allowed to collect about people who have done nothing wrong?

4. If a system can identify a vehicle, where it was and when it was there, is that still just a traffic camera?

5. Who audits the people with access to this information—and what happens when someone misuses it?

6. Should police or governments be able to search historical vehicle movements without a person ever knowing?

7. What safeguards exist to prevent a legitimate road-safety system from becoming a mass-surveillance system?

8. If we would object to a government following us on foot, why should following our vehicles electronically be treated differently?

9. Why are we so willing to spend tens of millions monitoring people, while telling people without housing that there simply isn't enough money?

10. If $67 million can be found for cameras, what would $67 million invested in housing, food and human survival look like?

B.C. cameras, traffic surveillance, licence plate readers, Flock Safety, Jenoptik Canada, privacy, mass surveillance, road safety, housing crisis, public spending

#BritishColumbia #BCRoadSafety #TrafficCameras #PrivacyMatters #Surveillance #FlockSafety #Jenoptik #HousingCrisis #HousingJustice #PublicMoney

Thursday, September 10, 2026

What happens when society counts the wages but not the work?

 (For my mom🥰😍🩷🥹)

What happens when society counts the wages but not the work?

My mother married at 19.

She had four children who survived to adulthood, and two miscarriages.

She and my dad were married for nearly 25 years, until he died by suicide.

I remember us receiving some survivor benefits afterward. I was young, but I remember that money mattered. Everything mattered then.

My dad was a very hardworking man. When BC Tel went on strike, he eventually started his own business.

My mom worked her ass off too.

She cooked. She waitressed. She raised children. She kept the household going.

There wasn't much time for supervision. We were in school, and when we weren't, we were outside on bicycles and wandering through the forest.

That was childhood.

Then Dad died.

We had to move because we had to go bankrupt.

And Mom had to keep working.

She had a heart attack.

And then she learned to drive.

👏👏👏👏

That part still makes me smile.

Because suddenly, after years of being a wife and mother and depending on someone else to drive, she had a little piece of freedom.

She could go places herself.

She had independence.

But independence can be lonely.

Eventually we kids grew up and left home.

Mom kept working.

She made terrible wages for much of her working life. She started around $3.50 an hour in the mid-1970s.

She also helped bring a union into her workplace and became a shop steward.

She fought for workers.

And yet, after all that work, she still ended up earning very little.

So here is the question I keep coming back to:

What happens when a society counts the wages but not the work?

Because my mother worked.

She just didn't get paid for all of it.

Raising children was work.

Cooking was work.

Keeping a family functioning was work.

Supporting a husband who was building a business was work.

Starting over after his death was work.

Working for low wages was work.

Fighting for better working conditions was work.

And yet a pension system largely measures a person's working life through their pensionable earnings and contributions.

That creates a problem for women who spent years doing unpaid caregiving or working in low-paid jobs.

CPP has changed over the decades. There are now protections such as the child-rearing provision, which can exclude certain low- or zero-earning years while raising young children. There are also rules around pension sharing after divorce and survivor benefits.

Those changes were important.

But they don't change the history.

My mother's generation lived much of its adult life under a system that was built when the economic model looked very different.

A man worked.

A woman raised children.

And if she worked outside the home, she was often earning much less.

But real families weren't that simple.

My mother wasn't sitting at home doing nothing.

She was holding an entire family together.

And when the family fell apart through tragedy, she picked up the pieces and went back to work.

She survived.

She organized.

She became a union shop steward.

She learned to drive.

She became independent.

And she kept going.

That's what I want people to remember when we talk about women's pensions.

Not just numbers.

Not just contribution rates.

Not just formulas.

Women.

Our mothers.

Our grandmothers.

The women who raised us while somehow trying to earn enough money to keep everyone fed.

The women who worked part-time.

The women who worked for $3.50 an hour.

The women who left paid employment to raise children.

The women who returned to work and started again.

The women who became widows and suddenly had to figure out everything themselves.

My mother would probably listen to all this and say:

“Yes. Yes. Write that.”

So Mom, I'm writing it.

Because somebody should.

Five questions to think about

  1. How should unpaid caregiving be reflected in retirement security?
  2. Can a pension system really measure someone's contribution to society only through their wages?
  3. How much did women of my mother's generation lose financially because they earned less than men?
  4. What would a truly fair pension system look like for someone who spent years raising children?
  5. When we talk about “working women,” are we remembering all the work that never came with a paycheque?
#CPP #CanadaPensionPlan #WomensPensions #UnpaidCaregiving #WorkingWomen #RetirementSecurity #PensionInequality #WomensWork #SurvivorBenefits #LabourRights

Let Marie Be

 Let Marie Be

Hurricane Marie didn't have to make a direct hit to remind us of something we seem to forget over and over again:

The Mother is powerful.

We keep treating beaches as though they are permanent fixtures. We build houses beside them, roads behind them, walls in front of them. When the ocean moves the sand, we truck more sand in. When waves reach our buildings, we build bigger walls.

Then we act surprised when the coastline changes.

I've watched this happen in Zipolite.

After a big storm, you can walk down to the beach and suddenly wonder where the beach went. Mini Grand Canyons appear.

The sand can disappear, leaving rocks and gravel where there was once a broad stretch of sand.

And then, sometimes, it comes back.

The ocean has been moving that sand all along.

I've seen something very similar here in British Columbia. Some of the murals I've painted are on old retaining walls — walls made from aging concrete and broken pieces of cement that were put there to hold the shore line.

After a storm, I sometimes go down and look.

It can be completely different.

Sand gone.

Rocks exposed.

Gravel everywhere.

The coastline has rearranged itself.

And farther along, I've watched enormous new walls being built to protect homes.

I understand why people do it. Nobody wants their home washed away.

But at some point we have to ask a bigger question:

How long can we keep trying to force the Mother into staying exactly where we want her to stay?

In Zipolite, there was also an effort to restore mangroves — nature's own coastal protection system. But development continued, and the project eventually ended.

That's the part that troubles me.

We know mangroves can help protect coastlines.

We know vegetation holds sediment.

We know wetlands absorb water.

We know beaches naturally move.

We know storms can completely reshape a coastline.

And yet we keep building closer, harder and bigger.

Then we spend millions trying to make the ocean behave.

Maybe Hurricane Marie can be a lesson.

Not because she was the biggest storm.

Not because she destroyed everything.

But because she reminds us that the Mother doesn't need to make a direct hit to make her point.

Sometimes she only has to move the sand.

Sometimes she exposes the rocks beneath our beautiful beaches.

Sometimes she sends waves against the walls we've built.

And sometimes she quietly puts the beach back together again.

Maybe the warning isn't that nature is out to get us.

Maybe the warning is much simpler:

Listen.

The Mother is telling us where the water wants to go.

We just keep building there.

Five things I keep wondering

  1. How much money are we spending trying to hold coastlines in place that naturally want to move?
  2. What could happen if we worked with natural systems instead of constantly fighting them?
  3. What happens when the walls protecting one property push erosion toward another?
  4. Could restoring mangroves, wetlands and natural shorelines sometimes do more than another concrete wall?
  5. How many warnings does the Mother have to give us before we finally listen?
#LetMarieBe #HurricaneMarie #CoastalErosion #BeachErosion #Zipolite #MotherNature #OceanPower #SaveOurCoastlines #Mangroves #ClimateChange

Wednesday, September 9, 2026

Canada Wasn't Created on Empty Land

 Canada Wasn't Created on Empty Land

Where does Canada fit into the story of wampum, Indigenous government and the Great Law of Peace?

Right in the middle of it.

When we learn Canadian history, the story often begins with European explorers, French and British colonies, Confederation in 1867, and eventually the country we know as Canada.

But there is a huge problem with starting there.

Canada did not begin on an empty landscape.

Long before Confederation, this continent was home to hundreds of Indigenous nations with their own governments, laws, territories, economies, languages, diplomatic systems and relationships with one another.

The Haudenosaunee Confederacy was one of those sophisticated political systems.

And European powers didn't simply arrive and start making the rules.

They had to negotiate.

They needed alliances.

They needed trade.

They needed peace.

And they entered into treaties with Indigenous nations.

The Crown knew about wampum

This is where the story gets particularly interesting.

The British Crown inherited and entered into diplomatic relationships that had already been established between Indigenous nations and European powers.

The Haudenosaunee and the British developed what became known as the Covenant Chain, a diplomatic relationship maintained through repeated councils, agreements and renewals.

Wampum belts were part of this diplomatic system.

They weren't souvenirs.

They weren't decorations.

They could serve as memorials of agreements and relationships, carrying meanings that were preserved through Indigenous oral traditions.

Canada's own Department of Justice acknowledges that treaties between the Haudenosaunee, the Mohawk Nation and European powers were negotiated on a nation-to-nation basis and that wampum belts were used to memorialize agreements.

So let's stop for a moment.

Nation to nation.

Those words matter.

Then came the Royal Proclamation

In 1763, King George III issued the Royal Proclamation, which established important principles concerning Indigenous lands and treaty-making.

It recognized that Indigenous lands could not simply be taken by private individuals or colonial governments. The Crown claimed the authority to negotiate land cessions through treaties.

The Royal Proclamation became an important foundation for Crown-Indigenous relations.

And Canada itself later recognized treaties as foundational to the relationship between Indigenous nations and the Crown.

But then something changed.

From partnership to control

The relationship that had been described in terms of diplomacy, alliance and nation-to-nation relations increasingly became a system of colonial administration.

The Indian Act of 1876 became one of the major instruments of that transformation.

Instead of treating Indigenous peoples simply as independent nations with their own governments, the Canadian state created an extensive system of federal control over Indigenous lives and communities.

Indigenous peoples were subjected to policies designed to assimilate them.

Children were taken to residential schools.

Languages and cultural practices were suppressed.

Traditional systems of governance were interfered with.

And the very people with whom European powers had once negotiated as political partners were increasingly treated as populations to be administered.

Canada's own Justice Department has acknowledged that this represented a shift away from the nation-to-nation relationship symbolized by wampum toward colonial administration and assimilation.

So what happened to the two boats?

This is the question I keep coming back to.

The Two Row Wampum offered an idea:

Two peoples.
Two governments.
Two ways of life.
Travelling together without one steering the other.

But Canada's colonial history moved increasingly in the opposite direction.

One government claimed greater and greater authority over the other.

And that history isn't ancient.

Its consequences are still with us.

Canada now talks about nation-to-nation relationships, reconciliation, Indigenous self-government and the implementation of treaties and Indigenous rights.

The federal government itself says Indigenous peoples are foundational to Canada's constitutional framework and that historic treaties are living relationships rather than simply documents from the past.

That means reconciliation isn't simply about saying sorry for history.

It means asking:

What was the relationship supposed to be?

And perhaps that is where the old wampum belts have something to teach modern Canada.

Maybe the question isn't:

"How do Indigenous people fit into Canada?"

Maybe we should be asking:

"How does Canada fit into a continent that already had nations, laws and governments?"

That is a very different question.

And perhaps an important one.


Reflective questions

1. What changes when we understand that Canada was built on lands already governed by Indigenous nations?

2. What can the Two Row Wampum teach us about relationships between governments today?

3. If treaties were intended to establish relationships between nations, what responsibilities come with those relationships?

4. How might Canadian history look different if Indigenous systems of law and governance were taught alongside European history?

5. Instead of asking how Indigenous peoples fit into Canada, what might we learn by asking how Canada fits into a continent that already had nations, laws and governments?